Carnival of Wal-Mart

Starling Hunter at The Business of America is Business puts together collections of weblog posts on a couple of topics on a regular basis. One of those is Wal-Mart, and he included one of my posts in his latest collection:  Carnival of Wal-Mart III.

Among the others, there are posts about Chicago and Maryland’s new employment laws that affect (or, in Maryland’s case, would have affected) Wal-Mart employees, Wal-Mart’s failure in Germany, the Walton family’s shrinking tax bill,  and Wal-Mart’s new shoplifting policy.

Starling Hunter has worked at Boeing as an Electrical Engineer, at Exxon, at MIT’s Sloan School of
Management, and now at American University of
Sharjah, "just outside of Dubai, United Arab Emirates". His perspective on Wal-Mart is, unsurprisingly, definitely different from mine — but I do like his take on Rockonomics.

I wish…

No idea who this is, except he calls himself "Psychomike". He must have some information about book sales that I don’t have….

There is even a book out now, NO ONE MAKES YOU SHOP AT WAL-MART: THE DECEPTION OF PERSONAL CHOICE. It’s by Tom Slee, and it has become the rallying cry for liberal city councils all over the nation.

Link: linkfilter.net – fresh links daily.

The Wal-Mart Bargain


John Lanchester, "The Price of Pickles", London Review of Books, vol. 28, No. 1, 22 June 2006. — Link.

Robert Reich, "Don’t Blame Wal-Mart", New York Times, February 28, 2005. — Link.


The good thing about Wal-Mart stores is well-known, simple, and can be stated in three of the company’s own words: Always Low Prices. The bad things about Wal-Mart are what it does to get those prices low. These are now also well known: cut costs remorselessly and exploit the benefits of scale.

Few would argue with the claim that a low price is, by itself, a good thing. The trouble is that there is no such thing as "low price, by itself". Wal-Mart’s low prices are unavoidably one side of a two-sided coin. Wal-Mart knows how to push its costs onto others so that the prices on their shelves stay low: how to buy land cheap and still get subsidies from cities, how to pay so little that employees in many US states rely on government programs for health care and food stamps, how to squeeze suppliers so that they have to export jobs, and so on. Wal-Mart offers us a bargain, and as with any bargain we have to ask ourselves "is it worth it?"

The fact that over 100 million North Americans each week shop at Wal-Mart suggests that we like the one side of the coin. But this huge number does not mean that we have decided in some cumulative sense that the bargain is worth it: we have not voted in favour of low costs even at the cost to the health of other parts of our cities, and at the cost of abused workers both in poor nations and in North America. The free market is often portrayed as a continual exercise in democracy, with our purchases as votes, but that’s not how it works.

The reason is that most of us have only one direct relationship to Wal-Mart, and that is as consumers. As a result, Wal-Mart only responds to our consumption wishes. But as Robert Reich wrote a year ago during a debate over Wal-Mart coming to New York, we are not just consumers but are also workers and citizens. "New Yorkers, like most other Americans, want the great deals that canbe had in a rapidly globalizing high-tech economy. Yet the prices onsales tags don’t reflect the full prices we have to pay as workers andcitizens."

Our consumer choices are determined by those sales tags. But whether we like it or not, our consumer choices end up affecting other things too, in a minuscule way. They affect the shape of our cities, the wages that those who provide the goods pay their employees, and so on. Our own individual contribution makes almost no difference to any of these things, which is why we tend to ignore them when we make our decisions of what to buy and where to buy it. There is nothing that we can do as individual consumers to make a difference to any of these things. But multiply by 100 million and those little contributions add up. All those ignored side-effects become a big factor in our lives, and their costs can overwhelm any benefit we get from our consumption. If we trust our consumer decisions to shape our world, we inevitably end up with a world that undervalues those other parts of our lives. The private benefits of consumption drive out the shared benefits of other parts of our lives.

This is one reason why John Lanchester writes in the London Review of Books (August 7, 2006) that "Ethical consumption may indeed be the best we can do, and it gives theethical consumer a nice warm glow, but it is also another form ofself-expression through consumption, and it is consumption, at root,which is the problem." Not that we need to stop consuming, but that our consumer decisions should not shape our whole world. Lanchester goes on to argue that "The case of Wal-Mart makes us realise just how badly we lack a way oftalking about the public good that is not framed purely in terms of economics. The huge fortunes made at the end of the 19th and start ofthe 20th centuries were broken up by anti-monopoly and anti-cartel legislation, because they had been accumulated at the expense of the public good. That is a useful idea, and one that needs to be revivedand used as a yardstick. In its absence, the only ways of talking about Wal-Mart we have are through economics, which offers clear figures (sometimes) whose meanings are murky; or through local protests and objections; or through considering our own ethics as consumers. That, Iwould say, is not enough."

Lanchester and Reich both highlight the fact that free market economies won’t deliver those things that we can’t choose in a consumer kind of way. "The welfare state, free universal healthcare, paid holidays, workers’ benefits of all kinds" – those things did not come about by making wise consumer choices. The same goes for healthy cities, a clean environment, and a fair distribution of income. And all those things will go by the way if we trust consumption decisions to direct our society. The way Reich says it is "The only way for the workers or citizens in us to trump the consumersin us is through laws and regulations that make our purchases a social choice as well as a personal one. A requirement that companies withmore than 50 employees offer their workers affordable health insurance, for example, might increase slightly the price of their goods and services. My inner consumer won’t like that very much, but the worker in me thinks it a fair price to pay. Same with an increase in the minimum wage or a change in labor laws making it easier for employees to organize and negotiate better terms."

It is for these reasons that citizens who take a stand against Wal-Mart coming to town have my support. It’s time to reclaim some space for the non-consumer parts of ourselves.

Worth Reading: On Suburbia

Saturday’s Grope & Flail has a fine article by architect Jack Diamond on the whole suburbia and sprawl thing. It’s behind the subscription wall, but here are a few excerpts:

   
       
       
      
 
 
   
   
   

Most new urban growth occurs on the perimeter of urban centres, and
does so at densities that render residents of those areas
automobile-dependent — such low densities make public transit
uneconomic. Paradoxically, this also means that significant sectors of
the population are rendered immobile. Those who don’t own cars, or who
are too young or old to drive, have no alternative means of
transportation. Automobile dependency also acts as a social centrifuge,
segregating land use and socio-economic groupings into discernibly
distinct areas. Indeed, urban poverty is now centred in suburban
growth, where it is largely invisible, distant from inaccessible, but
desperately needed jobs, social services and retail facilities. The
rioting in Paris suburbs is an instance of the results of this
festering, but unrecognized, problem.

      
 
 
 
 
 
   
   

… Retail concentration in shopping
malls does little to encourage small, start-up enterprises that the
more mixed and individually owned Main Streets foster.

Most significantly, the cost of providing services to such areas
exceeds the tax revenue derived from low-density development. In an
analysis of one such area in Southwestern Ontario, it was found that
for every dollar received in real-estate tax, $1.40 was needed to
service such low-density development.

This form of urban development has been made possible, and indeed encouraged, by … what amounts to subsidies that land speculators and
low-density developers receive from provincial and federal governments
in the form of highway construction, and the provision of trunk-line
sewers, water supply and other services. The burden of this cost is not
borne by the beneficiaries, but by all taxpayers.

So, what can be done to change current development trends? And will
those who have the power to initiate such change do so before it is too
late?

The means to make these changes is first to institute full-cost
pricing. Let the market forces exert their logic: If each increment of
suburban growth were to bear the full unit-cost of expressways, trunk
water supply and other services, the market would adjust to more
appropriate urban forms. That this would create densities capable of
supporting public transit, creating a richer mix of land uses, would be
an added benefit to affordable development.

Nowadays, development occurs at the extremes of density — either
vast expanses of single or semi-detached housing (and low-density
commercial uses), or high rise/high density condominiums. There is a
wide variety of satisfying housing in between these two extremes, from
town houses and duplex dwelling to low-rise apartment buildings of
about six to eight storeys. Ingenuity, when confronted with necessity,
will out.

A.J. Diamond is a principal of Diamond and Schmitt Architects
Inc. He was a commissioner of the Greater Toronto Task Force that made
recommendations on governance, taxation, land use and transportation
for the GTA.

 

UnMarkets Everywhere: A Courageous “Blogger”

From the recently-discovered weblog of Michael Perelman, an uplifting story about a civic-minded news service in Monrovia, Liberia.

Perelman says:

I don’t really have a good foundation in this
technology. I realize that it doesn’t take much to sit at a keyboard
and make grant pronouncements about the way the world should be.

Today I read in the New York Times about the
“blogger” using centuries-old technology in a way that puts the modern
media to shame.

The article describes Alfred Sirleaf, the
33-year-old managing editor of The Daily Talk, a white plywood shed
trumpeting the latest headlines along Tubman Boulevard, one of the
capital’s main thoroughfares.

He writes his stories very carefully on large
blackboards and even makes accommodations to help communicate the
material to illiterates. He had to struggle to get a high school
education. He has been arrested. And yet he continues to persevere.

And most of all the displays a spirit that puts the the corporate media to shame.

From the New York Times article:

The shoestring operation brings him no income.

“I just manage along with whatever money I can
find,” he said. Occasional gifts of cash and pre-paid cellphone cards
keep him in business.

Go read it.

Book Review in Winnipeg Free Press

Thanks to MC for letting me know about this. From Sunday’s Winnipeg Free Press:

A different take on consumer power

Sunday, July 30th, 2006. Reviewed by Lindsey Wiebe

‘WE
make choices every day," writes Ontario author Tom Slee. "We choose the
clothes we wear, the way we travel, the movies we watch, and the places
we shop."

But even with all this choice, Slee says, the rich are getting richer, while the middle class and poor are losing ground.

"What has gone wrong?" he asks in this thought-provoking mix of academic and social critique.

"Why is it that with more choices than any in society in history, we do not get what we want?"

These basic questions form the underpinnings of this first book by the Waterloo software professional and researcher.

In
it, Slee explores the pitfalls of a free-market economy; in particular,
what he refers to as "MarketThink," the idea that consumers control the
market, and can hold corporations accountable.

Slee does his
best to debunk this mindset, arguing that even the most reasonable of
individual decisions can produce negative results for the general
public.

Much of the book revolves around the fictional foibles of Jack and Jill, who live in the made-up town of Whimsley.

Slee uses the characters to illustrate the routine conflicts between personal and public gain.

Should
Jack support a downtown department store, or visit a newly opened
big-box development? And does it really matter if Jill leaves litter in
a public park, when surely others will be more environmentally
conscious?

No One Makes You Shop at Wal-Mart also draws on
real-world examples of difficult choices, tackling everything from the
issue of herd mentality to the problem of "free-riders," those who act
in their own best interests while assuming, often mistakenly, that
others will work for the public good.

Slee’s reasoning is
persuasive, and his examples numerous and far-reaching: the contentious
subject of international pollution credits, for one, or the perennial
public vs. private school debate.

But although No One Makes You
Shop at Wal-Mart is more accessible than the average academic text, it
still falls short of mass-market appeal, and those unfamiliar with game
theory might find some sections slower than others.

Slee’s
pacing is often sluggish, and the overall arrangement of material feels
unfocused. The sheer number of examples to deconstruct is also a little
daunting, an ironic flaw in a book about the dilemmas of choice.

Slee may have been better off focusing on fewer but more detailed examples to plead his case.

On
the positive side, Slee’s in-text citations are clear and easy to
follow, and readers hoping to learn more about the complexities of
decision-making will come out with a solid list of followup books.

No
One Makes You Shop at Wal-Mart doesn’t qualify as light summer reading.
However, the book does offer an intriguing critique of dominant ideas
on consumer power, and puts forward a valid argument for the benefits
of collective decision-making and regulation.

Lindsey Wiebe is a Free Press reporter.